Cotta Road days

The residences of two pioneers of the Left Movement in Sri Lanka , Dr. S A Wickremesinghe and Dr. N M Perera were situated along Cotta Road, Colombo. Further, the headquarters of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka also is by the side of this short but famous road. Today the stretch of it from the Borella junction to the Ayurvedha junction has been re-named Dr. N M Perera Mawatha. In the meantime, Cotta Road has become a synonym for the Communist Party that stands there.

 

I have been a member of the Communist Party for almost 22 years from February 1959 to February 1981. Hence few words about my Cotta Road days would be not entirely out of place here. How and why did I join the communist Party? Why did I leave it and still claim to be a Communist? These are questions that I would have to supply at least to prevent various insinuations about my conduct.

 

How does anyone become a Communist? I would like to answer this general question. In my opinion there are two ways a person could become a Communist. One is by experience in the class struggle. The other is by conviction.

 

I was awakened to politics only towards the end of my school carrier. In the conservative domestic environment I grew up politics was almost taboo. My understanding of political independence was superficial; Yet doubts were entertained in my mind as to the value of that independence. I seem to agree with the Left that it was a sham despite the fact that my parents never supported the Left at elections. The Hartal of 1953 shook my conscience. Yet I was too much engaged in studies that politics seemed a luxury. What actually turned the tables was the defeat of the UNP in 1956 and the ascendancy of S W R D Bandaranaike; However, it was the incisive analysis of the election results in an article written by Martin Wickremasinghe titled  “The downfall of the Bhrahamin caste” in the Rasavahinijournal that awakened me.

 

Few events of an incidental nature drew me away from conservatism. By fortuitous circumstances I was elected to the Student Council of the University in my First Year largely due to the support of the Leftist students. President of the Students' Council was Samaradiwakara, a Communist and a fine orator who was quite popular in the campus. When I left Peradeniya to follow a Special Degree course in Mathematics in Colombo in 1958,  my name had been already listed by the campus  CP Group Secretary M D  V Gunaratne as a possible recruit.

 

Dr. A C J Weerakoone of the Zoology department, who later became the President of the SLAAS was our mentor at the University. We studied the basic texts of Marx and Engels including the Communist Manifesto, Wage Labour and Capital and Marx's celebrated Capital.It was an inspiring and insightful experience. At that time only the Science and Engineering faculties were at Thurstan College and students of these faculties had no problem of unemployment after graduation. Though hostel accomodation was unavailable there were plenty of rooms available in the City and suburbs so that accommodation did not become an issue for agitation. Unlike the present, campus life was then peaceful and there was an environment for unhindered dialogue and expression.  We formed two societies the Socialist Society and the Philosophical Society. I became the President of the former. Marxist scholars and politicians were invited for lectures at these societies. N Shanmugathasan was a regular visitor who conducted classes in Marxist philosophy. It was the duty of the Party group to organize these public activities and invited Party speakers or others. Recruitment of new members was a perennial duty. Among those recruited by me included Gamini Yapa who later defected to the Peking Wing when the Sino – Soviet dispute arose. He later formed a guerilla movement known as East Wind and is supposed to have died 'in combat'. He was utterly sincere to the cause of the masses and extremely intelligent. Whatever defects he may have had with regard to understanding the situation in the country and the method of struggle he remained committed to the cause of Marxism to the last days of his life.

 

Life in the City had its own hazards for a poor student who had to live on a meagre six hundred rupees stipend a month. Often it had to be supplemented by 'grants' from quite a few friends and well-wishers whose magnanimity despite themselves being not rich is a shining example of human solidarity. One was an Editorial Assistant of the Sinhala Dictionary Office then housed in the University premises. Another was a former teacher of mine. They were not philanthropists but ordinary men who expected nothing in return for what they gave.

 

We, poor University students led a gypsy-like existence moving from one boarding house to another, sometimes monthly or even fortnightly. The owners of these substandard lodgings were crafty men and women who provided the minimum facilities and were always demanding their pound of flesh a laShylock. In many a place there was hardly any furniture besides a folding bed aptly called the booru endain Sinhala and an empty tea chest or some wooden contraption of the poorest quality as a desk; Anything else would be a luxury. It was only in the final year at the University that I could find lodgings in a decent place owned by a small businessman with humane qualities.

 

University students are adults and as such there is no harm in their dabbling in politics, contrary to the opinion of conservative administrators. It gives them an exposure to the world outside, especially to the World of Work. In this the Left scores better than the Right which always defends the status quo. Needless to say that Marxism opens new vistas and ample opportunities to improve one's outlook on life and shed 'frog-in-the-well' conceptions, which in my opinion are often buttressed by the insular mentality of islanders. Marxism, properly understood provides a guiding star, an unfailing compass to life. I was particularly fortunate that I had an opportunity to study Marxism in Moscow due to the internationalist assistance of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). It was not only an opportunity pursue theoretical and academic studies but also an opportunity to meet fighters for a better world from different continents and countries in diverse stages of development. Among its benefits is the ability acquired to take a critical attitude to everything including Marxism itself and your own self.

 

In order to leave for Moscow to study I had to take a hard decision for it involved resignation from the job which had good prospects and dedicate your life to the cause of the working people with sacrifice. Anyway, it was taken without a moment's hesitation as a fish plunges to water. I still do not repent over it despite the hardships that I had to undergo as a result, including incarceration. It was a renunciation for a good cause with no personal interests, pecuniary or otherwise.

 

Returning from Moscow I became a full-time worker for the Party. On the mass front I was assigned to the Youth wing. Within a few months the mantle of the General Secretary of the Communist Youth Federation fell on me. It kept me in touch with the youth for almost a decade. During this time Sarath Muttettuwegama was its President. After he left the Youth movement I became the President for a few years before handing it over to someone younger. 

 

The latter part of the '60s and almost the entire 70's were full of political turmoil. Unemployment reached record levels. It exceeded 20 percent. There were hot political debates in the streets, inside political parties and even in homes. Contemporary events in the rest of the world including the 1968 youth uprising in France had its direct impact here in Sri Lanka. Added to this was the impetus generated by the Cuban Revolution with its young iconic leaders Fidel Castro and Che Guevara and their bold strategy of armed struggle. Another factor that attracted the youth was the far more militant version of revolution preached by the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in opposition to that propagated by the communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) The Communist movement in Sri Lanka also split as a result of the Sino-Soviet rift. It was an international phenomenon. It was a time of great theoretical debates and mass actions.

 

The youth were questioning the life style of the leaders. They justifiably believed that ostentation and luxury should be out of bounds for leaders and they should lead a life where the ordinary proletarians would not feel them as representatives of an upper class. Matters got worse when some leaders justified their comfortable lives by stressing that they deserve it as they have sacrificed a lot for the party. However, these alleged comforts have become facilities affordable by the common people too, nowadays.

 

 To lead a youth movement in such an environment was a challenging task. The conservative leadership of the Communist Party aligned with Moscow did not trust the youth. They used bureaucratic methods to stifle the radical aspirations of the youth and lead them along conformist and conservative lines. 

 

During the days of the first JVP insurrection, the Communist Youth Federation was sympathetic to the cause of the rebels through it did not approve the insurrection. The Government  used the opportunity to suppress not only the suspected activists of the JVP but also suspicion fell on some members of the Communist Youth too. Two of its provincial leaders Gallelle Gnanananda Thera and a youth leader known as Abeyratne disappeared and were probably murdered. The Youth Federation wrote to Members of Parliament  protesting about the disappearance and  placed a newspaper advertisement in the party press calling for information on what had happened to them. The leadership of the Communist Party did not approve of it. The position articulated by the General Secretary Pieter Keuneman was that the JVP was a CIA ploy. Activities of the Youth Federation were suspended. However, the leadership of the party was also divided on how to deal with the insurgents.

 

When the Government introduced the special Criminal Justice Commission  (CJC) Bill in Parliament to try the insurgents three of the six MPS of the Party including its Chairman Dr. S A Wickremasinghe, Youth Feredation President Sarath Muttettuwegama and MP for Kamburupitiya Aelian Nanayakkara refrained from voting for the Bill. The other three – Party General Secretary and Minister of Housing and Construction Pieter Keuneman, Deputy Education Minister B Y Tudawe and  Trade Union Leader and MP for Ratgama M G Mendis voted with the Government. Eventually this led to a formal split of the party which was later re-united on the advice of the CPSU and some other fraternal foreign Communist parties.

 

 Unity was achieved more as a union of personalities and no attempt was made to iron out whatever differences there were in strategy and tactics of the party. As such they continued after the unity too. One principal difference was regarding the way the party should conduct itself in the Government and the coalition. One view was to go along with the Government and the coalition without dissent, consenting to faithfully follow the SLFP position. Though the party often spoke of unity and struggle, there was no struggle for fear of being kicked out. (This trend was visible in the party even during the time it was divided. For example, some leaders sought re-entry into the Government even while they were in the Opposition. This was the reason why Harry Abeygunawardena, former General Secretary of the Party and Matara MP resigned in haste soon after he re-joined the party throwing the membership card to my lap) 

 

Differences over the National Question were simmering inside the party. Its stand changed both qualitatively and quantitatively over the years. Having proposed a federal solution in the early 1940’s it veered to a position supporting a unitary State by the 1960’s. Unqualified support to Sinhala Only and the abandonment of parity of status for both Sinhala and Tamil, treacherous opposition to the Tamil Language Special Provisions Act and joint agitation with chauvinist forces over it were black marks in the history of the party which had right along, however, stood for internal self-determination of the Tamil speaking peoples. 

 

Though not visible from the outside there were refined varieties of chauvinist traits too inside the party. For example, when the Sino-Soviet dispute split the party into two those at Cotta road campaigned against Nagalingam Shunmaugathasan, stressing the first name deliberately. Till then he was identified only as N. Shunmugathasan. Obviously the first name was stressed to show his ethnic Tamil origin. Also few in the party leadership argued that the Leninist principle of self-determination was not practical in Sri Lanka. 

 

After the Vaddukodai Resolution of the Tamil National Alliance demanding a separate state there was a long drawn out and somewhat artificial internal debate whether the Tamils and also the Sinhalese constitute a nation. It smelled of dogmatism in the light of the massive development of the Tamil people’s struggle for their national rights. Even regarding the implementation of provisions of the Tamil Language Special Provisions Act, it accepted meekly the lame excuses offered by the Government for its inaction by citing lack of typewriters   and translators. 

 

We were convinced that the political line followed by the Communist Party deviated from the theory and practice of the international communist movement, of class struggle and was opportunist in nature as it had placed an unwavering faith that the national bourgeoisie could successfully accomplish the tasks of the national democratic revolution rejecting its own experience to the contrary. We were also further convinced that the petty-bourgeois illusions of the party stemmed from its class character and hence internal struggle would be of no use. The net result of this disillusion was to resign from the party “to pursue the goal that would lead to a revolutionary transformation of Sri Lanka”. It was the same goal that made me join the CP. 

 

As expected my resignation led to various interpretations and accusations. The Trotskyite Revolutionary Communists or the Socialist Equity Party interpreted it as an internal crisis of international Stalinism. The Communist party officially said that I had become an agent of reactionary forces – a CIA agent. The accusation from JVP sources at that time was that my resignation was a KGB plot to attract the youth away from the JVP.  Thus, I became a double agent – working for two international intelligence agencies. It was news to me too. JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera, however, met me in person and his complaint was that I should have stayed with the CP. My resignation was immediately followed by an exodus of young and active members from the CP.  Those who left the CP had decided not to solicit or accede to requests for media coverage of the incident. Thus, they voluntarily refused to become the “darlings of the bourgeois press”

 

Among those who resigned from the CP with me included members of the Central Committee and the Politbureau,l;eading trade union and youth leaders. Among  them were Indika Gunewardena, M Y Premachandra, Upali  Upawansa, Navaratne Bandara, P Bandara, WIjesiri, Peiris, P Jayalath, Gunadasa Nallaperuma, H K T Sirisena,V P Somaratne, Somaratne Jasinghe,  M K Piyadasa, D M Chandratilaka, Washington Peiris, V P Karunadasa , Palendra Ratnaweera, M A Jayasena, Nissanka Wickremesinghe, Siribandu, Chandrasoma, Nandasiri, R P Sarath, Paulier Gunawardena, G D Dahanayake, among others.

 

I never used my position in the CP to curry any personal favours. I was determined not to seek scholarships for my children’s education through the CP. Even today I stand accused of not sending my niece (Sister’s daughter) for higher education in Russia whereas her school and classmates have studied in Russia through scholarships provided by the CP.

 

Whatever the theoretical and political differences with the CP I must acknowledge with gratitude that it had a substantial role in widening and deepening my social consciousness and world outlook.

 

Those who left the CP with me formed the Samajavadi Janata Vyaparaya(Socialist People’s Movement) –SJV soon after. It was not a political party but a precursor of one. It published a monthly newspaper called Kamkaru Vimukti(Workers’ Liberation) and a thesis on the national question  after serious and prolonged discussion. The latter was entitled  A Democratic Solution to the National Question  which remains its validity today even after 45 years. A Second edition was printed with a update on subsequent developments two years ago.

 

The nascent movement had to face many difficulties. It faced severe repression. Almost all its leaders were arrested and detained under the Emergency Regulations (ER) and the Prevention of terrorism Act (PTA) for long periods far exceeding the period stipulated even by law. They were later indicted in the High Court of Colombo for conspiracy to overthrow the Government and several other charges. However, they were all released under a Nolle prosequiby the Attorney-General as a sequel to the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987. Their release was not due to a change of heart on the part of the Government but due to the sustained campaign of the civil society, particularly the MIRJE and CROPP (Committee for the Release of Politicl Prisoners). Suriya Wickremasinghe, W A Abeykoon, Javid Yusuf, Ainsley Samarajeewa, Kumari Jayawardena, Charles Abeysekera and several others played a key role in these movements.